Suchergebnisse

Iskustvo materinstva je u simboličkom smislu jedno od najznačajnijih ženskih iskustava, tesno povezano sa konstruktima naglašenog feminiteta (Connell, 1987). To je socijalno iskustvo koje u sebi sadrži unutrašnju ambivalenciju. S jedne strane ono predstavlja jedno od najličnijih i najintimnijih iskustava putem koga žene otkrivaju nove granice odnosa sa samima sobom i vlastitom telesnošću, dok sa druge strane ono predstavlja socijalni konstrukt kroz koji se prelamaju različiti odnosi moći unutar društva i kulture čiji smo deo preoblikujući njihove odnose sa drugima. Ovaj rad nastoji da rekonstruiše na koji način unutar svojih narativa žene različite starosti, obrazovanja i socijalnog porekla konceptualizuju sopstvena socijalna iskustva vezana za materinstvo, strategije prilagođavanja i eventualne promene vezane za sopstvenu poziciju unutar socijalne mreže porodičnih i društvenih odnosa. Na osnovu empirijskog materijala prikupljenog u okviru projekta Politike roditeljstva Instituta za sociološka istraživanja Filozofskog fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu, rad rekonstruiše dva osnova tipa strategija prilagođavanja kojima žene pribegavaju kako bi unutar sopstvenog konstrukta materinstva i sa njim povezane identitetske pozicije uspostavile neku vrstu balansa u odnosu prema osujećujućim i obespravljujućim (širim i užim) referentnim društvenim kontekstima. To su: (a) strategija konformiranja ili mimikrije, koja se realizuje na dva moguća načina kroz: potpuno prihvatanje ideoloških i vrednosnih pozicija koje dominiraju unutar referentne porodične mreže, i praktikovanje prakse žrtvenog mikro-matrijarhata (Blagojević, 1997); i (b) strategija aktivnog suprotstavljanja, koja se takođe realizuje na dva različita načina kroz: indirektno konfrontiranje (strategija distanciranja), i/ili direktno konfrontiranje. ; The experience of motherhood is, in a symbolic sense, one of the most important women's experiences closely associated with constructs emphasized femininity (Connell, 1987). It is a social experience that incorporates internal ambivalence. On the one hand it is one of the most intimate experiences through which women discover new frontiers of the relations with themselves and their own bodies. On the other hand it is a social construct through which different power relations that exist within the society and culture they belong to refract, and reshape their relations with others. This paper attempts to reconstruct how women of different ages, education and social background in their narratives conceptualize their own social experiences related to motherhood, strategies of adjustments and changes that these experiences produce related to their position within the social network of family relationships. On the basis of the collected empirical data within project Politics of Parenthood of Institute for Sociological Research (Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade) the paper reconstructs two basic types of adjustment strategies which women use in order to find a balance between their own construct of motherhood, and its own related identity positions, on the one hand, and frustrated and disempowered (wider and narrower) referent social contexts. These strategies are: (a) strategy of conforming or mimicry, which is being implemented in two possible ways through: full acceptance of the ideological and normative positions that dominate within the referent family network, and the practice of self-sacrificing micro-matriarchy (Blagojević, 1997); and (b) strategy of active confrontation, which is also being implemented in two different ways through: indirect confrontation (distancing strategies), and / or direct confrontation.

Rad nastoji da odgovori na sledeća pitanja kroz analizu urađenu na izabranom uzorku brojeva popularnog srpskog/jugoslovenskog ženskog časopisa Bazar: Kako se izgradnja ženskih rodnih uloga diskurzivno konstruiše kroz medije unutar specifičnih društvenih okolnosti u srpskom/jugoslovenskom društvu u tri različita istorijska perioda (tokom 1970-ih, 1980-ih, 1990-ih)? Da li se i na koji način ovi hegemoni konstrukti feminiteta razlikuju među sobom? Da li su oni u saglasju sa realnošću svakodnevice unutar koje nastaju ili ne? Glavni nalaz ovog rada je da se unutar tri posmatrana istorijska perioda unutar medijske realnosti časopisa Bazar konstituišu tri različita idealno tipska hegemona konstrukta feminiteta. Ova tri modela idealno tipskih ženskih rodnih uloga su: (a) socijalistička 'super-žena' iz 1970-tih, (b) 'frustrirana super-žena' iz1980 i (c)'Eskapistička žena' iz1990 model '. Bez obzira na razlike svi ovi modeli svedoče o tome kako popularni ženski časopis prati politiku svoje izdavačke kuće, i zvanični ideološki politički diskurs, kroz medijsku produkciju specifičnih hegemonih ženskih rodnih uloga. Komparativna analiza ova tri modela hegemonih ženskih rodnih uloga i njihovog odnosa prema zvaničnom ideološkom političkom diskursu (koji je posredovan kroz uređivačku politiku časopisa Bazar i njegove izdavačke kuće Politika) potvrđuje da pogoršanje životnih uslova i povećanje socijalne nestabilnosti doprinosi uvećavanju jaza između medijskog konstrukta hegemonih ženskih rodnih uloga i realnosti svakodnevice društva unutar koga se one proizvode u određenom istorijskom trenutku. ; This paper examines a select sample of popular Serbian/Yugoslav women 's magazine Bazar to address the question: How are the media construction of female gender roles discursively constructed within specific societal circumstances in Serbian/Yugoslav society in three different historical moments (in 1970s, 1980s, 1990s)? How do these hegemonic constructs differ among themselves? Do they correspond with everyday reality and in which way? The major finding of this paper is the existence of three ideal type of hegemonic female gender role models represented in women 's magazine Bazar in three different historical periods (1970s, 1980s, 1990s). These three ideal type models are: (a) the 1970s model of 'super-woman', (b) the 1980s model of 'frustrated super-woman' and (c) the 1990s model of 'escapist woman'. All of them testify how popular women's magazine follows the policy of its publishing house, and official ideological political discourse, through the media construction of hegemonic female gender role. The comparative analysis of these three models of hegemonic female gender roles and their relation toward official ideological political discourse (mediated through the policy of Bazar 's publishing house Politika) shows/confirms that the aggravation of living conditions and the increase of social instability enlarge the gap between media construct of hegemonic female gender role and the everyday reality of the society, in relation to which the HFGR is constructed in particular historical moment.

Tekst analizira način na koji nastavno osoblje na Beogradskom univerzitetu percipira bolonjski proces, načelno i unutar lokalnog srpskog socijalnog i univerzitetskog konteksta; različite upravne instance unutar univerzitetskog obrazovnog sistema, mesto nastavnika unutar obrisa novog visokoškolskog obrazovnog sistema u procesu bolonjske transformacije. Empirijsku osnovu predstavlja istraživanje o uslovima rada nastavnog osoblja koje je Centar za obrazovne politike iz Beograda izveo na pet fakulteta Beogradskog univerziteta tokom 2008 godine. ; The paper analyzes modes in which teaching stuff on Belgrade University perceive Bologna process, in global and local Serbian societal and university context, different administrative and management instances within higher education system, as well as teachers' relation toward these instances and the perception of teachers' place within this new higher education system caught in the intensive process of Bologna transformation. The empirical foundation of this paper represents the research of the labour conditions of university teachers that Center for Educational Policies performed during 2008 on five faculties from Belgrade University.

Tekst razmatra poziciju mlade generacije u postpetooktobarskoj Srbiji, onako kako se ona može iščitati iz empirijskog materijala prikupljenog studijom 'Politika i svakodnevni život : Srbija 1999-2002'. Autorka izdvaja četiri osnovna načina samopozicioniranja mladih, pripadnika generacije R, u odnosu na aktuelni društveni kontekst: 'B92 generacija', 'provincijalci', 'fundamentalisti' i 'gosti', pomoću kojih prati promene u stavovima mladih prema politici, sopstvenom socijalnom i političkom angažmanu, pogledu u budućnost, doživljaju samih sebe i socijalne promene kojoj su svedočili ili u njoj participirali. ; This paper discusses the position of young people in Serbia after October 5th 2000, as can be inferred from the evidence collected in the study 'Politics and everyday life: Serbia 1999-2002'. The author identifies amongst young people four basic modes of self positioning within the current social context, as described by the following labels: 'B92 generation', 'provincials', 'fundamentalists' and 'guests'. These views encompass politics, their own social and political engagement, views of the future, and their own selves.

During last several decades, sociological profession has faced serious challenges, both globally and locally. Within the context of labor market in Serbia these challenges, along with inadequate response of professional community; have resulted in the loss of professional monopoly for some job positions and roles. Once respected experts, sociologists, have lost professional monopoly on jobs recognized and affirmed by: (a) state, governmental and independent institutions; (b) business organizations; (c) civil society organizations; and (d) international organizations, all of which employ sociologists with diplomas received from universities in the Republic of Serbia. Although examples for this are numerous, we will limit the analysis to three case studies regarding professional positions of: (1) sociology teacher; (2) researcher in market research industry; and (3) employees of various international organizations. Analysis will use several different sources of empirical data: (a) various legislation and by-laws, especially rules on employment requirements (in state, public, and individual organizations); (b) job advertisements, where we will analyze required competencies for particular positions; and (c) current curriculums for BA and MA studies of sociology on the Department of Sociology Faculty of Philosophy University of Belgrade, where we will analyze provided professional competencies. Analysis will attempt to answer the question if there is a gap between professional competencies provided by study programs and those required of sociologists in the labor market. If the gap exists, we will provide potential solutions on the way in which it can be bridged and position of sociologists on labor market in Serbia improved.

Imajući na umu da je Strategijom razvoja obrazovanja u Srbiji primećeno da u obrazovanju u Srbiji postoji "problem sa pravednošću" i da je kao jedan od ciljeva razvoja obrazovanja navedeno stvaranje "socijalno pravičnog društva", u ovom radu se preispituje u kojoj meri su donošenje Zakona o dualnom obrazovanju i javno insistiranje na ekspanziji ovog vida obrazovanja koraci usmereni ka smanjenju nejednakosti. Oslanjajući se na ideje različitih francuskih sociologa obrazovanja (Burdije, Budon, Bodlo i Estable), kroz rad se ispituje u kojoj meri dualno obrazovanje otvara prostor za izjednačavanje obrazovnih šansi i uspostavljanje pravičnijeg društva. Iz teorijskih uvida spomenutih autora koji se tiču povezanosti klasnih struktura sa obrazovnim šansama, može se zaključiti da svako "grananje" unutar obrazovnog sistema doprinosi većim nejednakostima, o čemu eksplicitno govori Rejmon Budon. Odlike dualnog obrazovanja podsećaju na "primarno zanatsko" obrazovanje o kojem govore Bodlo i Estable koji pokazuju da je ovakvo obrazovanje predviđeno za učenike iz neprivilegovanih društvenih slojeva kojima se kroz ovaj vid obrazovanja ograničava mogućnost vertikalne društvene pokretljivosti. Analizirajući različite interesne optike aktera, Burdije smatra da opšte obrazovanje, nasuprot obuci u firmi, radnicima daje određeni vid slobode, jer ih čini manje vezanim za jedno preduzeće. Školski sistem povezan sa industrijom, prema mišljenju ovog autora, oblikovan je interesima poslodavaca i suprotan je interesima radnika, jer čini društvo manje pravičnim umanjujući šanse za vertikalnu i horizontalnu društvenu pokretljivost. Na osnovu navedenog se može zaključiti da dualno obrazovanje ne doprinosi smanjenju društvenih nejednakosti, te da bi u cilju stvaranja pravičnijeg društva od ovakvih obrazovnih politika trebalo odustati. ; Bearing in mind that the Strategy for Education Development in Serbia perceives the existence of a "justice issue" in education in Serbia, and that one of the stated goals of education development is creating a "socially just society", this paper explores to which extent adopting the Law on Dual Education and public insistence on expansion of this mode of education are the steps towards reducing injustice. Relying on the ideas of different French sociologists of education (Bourdieu, Boudon, Baudelot and Establet), the paper examines to which extent dual education opens up the space for balancing educational opportunities and establishing a more just society. From theoretical insights of the aforementioned authors regarding the relation between class structures and educational opportunities, it can be concluded that any "branching" within an educational system contributes to greater inequalities, as explicitly asserted by Raymond Boudon. The characteristics of dual education correlate to the "primary professional" education mentioned by Baudelot and Establet, illustrating that such education is intended for students from underprivileged social strata, who have limited opportunities for vertical social mobility due to this kind of education. By analysing various interest optics of the actors, Bourdieu finds that general education, as opposed to company training, provides workers with a certain form of freedom because it makes them less attached to a single company. The school system associated with industry, in the opinion of this author, is shaped by the interests of employers and contrary to the interests of workers, as it makes society less fair by reducing the chances of vertical and horizontal social mobility. Based on the above, it can be concluded that dual education does not contribute to reducing social inequalities, and that in order to create a fairer society, such educational policies should be abandoned. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

In this paper we analyze some aspects of the efficiency of labor markets in Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina and compare resulting outcomes with the outcomes of labor markets efficiency in selected economies of the European Union. A particular focus of our analysis is on gender equality, due to the fact that not only gender inequality negatively affects the quality of life of individuals and society in general, but also can produce significant macroeconomic losses which negatively affect economic growth and development. When formulating policy that aims to increase the employability and income of the local population, our recommendation to governments, non-governmental and supranational institutions is to simultaneously take all necessary steps in order to provide women equal access to labor markets. This primarily refers to equality in access to newly created jobs, the uniformity of wages for a work with equal qualification, equal access to employment in formal economy, equal safety at work, equal access to social safety net etc.

Rad nastoji da promisli jednu zaboravljenu polemiku iz istorije sociološke teorije između dvoje uglednih sociologa, Marijane Veber i Georga Zimela, o položaju žena u nemačkom društvu (i obrazovnom sistemu) početkom 20. veka. Autorke u tekstu nude novu interpretaciju ove polemike koju situiraju u društveni kontekst: (a) nemačkog društva krajem 19. i početkom 20. veka, (b) prvog talasa feminizma u Nemačkoj, i (c) individualnih habitusa glavnih protagonista ove polemike. Interpretacija pokazuje da, uprkos činjenici da se Veber suprotstavlja Zimelovoj hipotezi da bi žene trebalo da stvore drugačiji, nezavisan i alternativan kulturni sistem (subjektivnu kulturu) kao protivtežu dominantnoj muškoj objektivnoj kulturi, oboje pokušavaju da konceptualizuju stvarnost koja bi bila konstruisana na alternativnim sistemima vrednosti. Međutim, ovi konstrukti zamišljenih alternativnih stvarnosti bili su ograničeni akademskim, obrazovnim i političkim iskustvima njihovih tvoraca, kao i njihovom rodnom i klasnom pripadnošću. ; The paper discuss the forgotten controversy from the history of sociological theory between two eminent sociologists, Marianne Weber and Georg Simmel, about the position of women in German society (and educational system) in early 20th century. The authors offer new interpretation of the controversy embeded into societal context of: (a) German society in late 19th and early 20th century, (b) first wave feminisim in Germany, and (c) individual habitus of its protagonists. The interpretation shows that inspite of the fact that Weber and Simmel confront their opinions about Simmel's hypothesis that women should create a different, independent and alternative cultural system (subjective culture) as a counterpoint to dominant male objective culture, they both made an attempt to conteptualize reality that will be constructed on alternative value systems. However, these alter realities were limited by the academic, educational and political experiences of their creators, as well as their gender and class belonging.